The following copyrighted draft text comes from a group of letters I am publishing with John Melville-Jones of the University of Western Australia, The Greek Correspondence of Bartolomeo Minio, Vol. 1: Dispacci from Nauplion. This volume containes the transcriptions and translations of 90-some dispacci written between November 1479 and March 1483 when Minio was Venetian provveditor in Nauplion. These dispacci, previously published by Konstantine Sathas, are discussed in my dissertation which can be found at http://www.let.uu.nl/oosters/EJOS/EJOS-III.5.html.
The letters included here give a unique view of Venetian-Ottoman diplomatics in the wake of the 1478 peace agreement. While it has long been known that boundary commissions were used, this is the only known description of how such boundary commissions actually worked. One of the letters here provides a view of Venetian diplomat Zuam Dario in action, again, the only known description. Other letters discuss the effects and settlemet of the Kladas uprising.
The published text will contain a commentary, footnotes, and Greek and Turkish font not contained in the draft. The letters here may be quoted with appropriate acknowledgement.
Diana Gilliland Wright
III
10 January 1479 [f 3; Sathas VI, 120]
Postscript: A month ago and more, the turciman of the Magnificent Ambassador of Your Signoria to the Lord Turk arrived here, waiting for the Emin sent by that Lord to determine and assign the boundaries of this area. So far he has not come and for the turciman who has no money, we have made an expenditure for him of one servant and two horses, for which I have allowed a quarter-ducat a day. I would certainly be glad for this Emin to come so that we will be able to know our boundaries and not have brawls and issues with the Turks at harvest time, because they have sown over the countryside more than ever. If I see that the Emin delays in coming, so as not to have the expense of the turciman, I will send him away. If the Emin comes, I will use all my care and diligence to do what would be most useful for Your Signoria. The same for this place.
Letter duplicated with additional postscript
and sent by my own messenger.
10 January 1479.
IV
29 January 1479 [f 3v; Sathas VI, 121]
Most Serene Prince:
On the 10th of this month I wrote my last letter to Your Excellency about what was happening in regard to the needs of this place, and especially about the lack of grain, requesting that you should be pleased to provide it, because there has been no grain in Your Signoria’s storehouse for a month.
about the raid made by the flamburar at Thermissi. I have not written Your Excellency about matters in the Morea, because since the peace there has been a general state of peace and quiet. Today, however, I inform Your Sublimity that the Pasha Eunuch, flamburar of this province in the time of my predecessor and me, has requested several times by letter a castle of the Bishop of Nauplion named Thermissi, with its neighboring salt wells, and a tower called Kastri, conceded to Ser Francesco Alberto, saying the castles and salt well belonged to his lord; also that the habitants in them, and many families from Damala and Fanari who shelter there, and also several Albanian catune under their jurisdiction, belong to him. On my side, I answered that these castles have been from antiquity under the jurisdiction and territory of Your Signoria and the men who returned to them and also the Albanians in the catune are its subjects. In fact, the Pasha would not accept or agree to any reasoned argument, saying he would have them at all costs, and threatening that he would come attack them, I understood his manoeuvres, and because I suspected what was going to happen, immediately arranged to send as a guard for Thermissi, which is an impregnable fortress, a contestabele with 10 fanti.
Also I gave warning and ordered the men living in the area, and at Kastri, and all the Albanian camps that they should withdraw to the fortresses with their families, and they should put their animals on an island outside the area, and take care for themselves. They, however, being villani and disobedient Albanians, people without any prudence or discipline, seem to have kept guard for several days. [Thus], since they had confidence in the peace, they stayed without guard, though the villani took their families into the fortress, but the Albanians stayed together in their camp. The Pasha flamburar happened to be at Clarenza and he cautiously rounded up 200 Turks, not very well equipped, and rode day and night at great speed. Last Sunday, the 23rd, coming into this countryside [f 4] they were seen at night by some of our stratioti who came to me at dawn and informed me. I immediately sent 4 stratioti on the next day who rode to the castles to inform the men, and also to the Albanian camps. Similarly, I sent a fast grippo by sea with Ser Franco Alberto. Further, I sent Ser Francesco de Nassin, a citizen of this place, to the aforementioned Pasha, whom I gave a written commission to which he could refer and use in argument, the substance of which was that he should protest this incident and attack that he has made against the castles and subjects of Your Signoria and contrary to the good peace you have with his Most Illustrious Lord, which was contrary to his mind and intent.
I informed him that these castles belonged to Your Signoria, who from antiquity has held and possessed these jurisdictions rightly and peacefully, and is shown in authentic documents; and in the provisions of the peace and the notarial confirmation made by the Ambassador of Your Signoria, these castles and places are not mentioned, as are the others Your Signoria has to restore to the Lord, which are those Your Signoria took from him in the war in the Morea; and that consequently I who am here in your name could not consider handing them over unless Your Signoria gives express instructions. I requested and urged that the flamburar abstain from any incident and attack on those places and our subjects, and for any attack that he had made he should make restitution of the souls, as well as the animals, and with other arguments and persuasion as was opportune in this matter, concluding that if he did not want to make restitution, I would immediately send to give the news to Your Signoria, who would not support such an injury and insult, and also that I would complain to his Lord.
Ser Francesco left here with the commission Monday morning with 12 horse. The flamburar rode to the castles. Since it was Sunday and the men had withdrawn into the fortress, he was not able to take more than 6 souls at Thermissi, and 8 at Kastri, although at the Albanian camps he took 100 souls and many animals. Ser Francesco arrived and went to see him, and related what he had in the commission from me, and they talked two or three times, and argued with him, discussing an arrangement. The audacious response that he had from him was final: that these places and men belong to his Lord from whom he had specific instructions to do [f 4v] what he did each time against the said places and men who are subjects of and rebels against his Lord; but as for the place of Nauplion and other places and men of Your Signoria, he would be mad to do them harm; on the contrary, he intended to observe and maintain the peace and was willing to return everything that was shown to him to belong to people from Nauplion. And on being asked and when there were shown to him a certain number of animals taken from some of the stratioti in the company of Ser Francesco, he returned them, but he would do nothing about the rest. Ser Francesco asserted that he had no jurisdiction over the people of Damala and Fanari, those who had decided on the strength of the peace provisions, after the restitution of the castles, to leave with all their possessions and go where they thought best, because they were men belonging to Your Signoria, and that consequently he should make restitution of their persons and their animals. He did not want to listen to that, or do anything, and among other things said, "Ser Francesco, the ambassador of Your Signoria has not been informed to protest these acts, and I have had the order of my Signor to do what I have done."
Most Serene Prince, Your Signoria should not think that by this he would risk war with Your Signora, or make other moves against your territory, but he has threatened to do this several times in the past by letters and orally, because he claims that the castles with the men and the Albanian camps are his, and he has been commanded by his Signor to do this. This is from the information that he and a renegade scoundrel named Laskaris gave him, both of them being most hostile toward Your Signoria, especially the flamburar who has had these places as a timar from his Lord so that for his own advantage and because he is most hostile to Your Signoria, does not stop giving false information to the Lord, so that all evils come from him, and this trouble and affront which have happened at the present time.
I on my part, in order to obey the command of Your Signoria, have used and will use towards him and his all the courtesy and calmness I can, and at every hour of the day I will endeavor to live and be a neighbor to them in peace, so as not to have cause to expect any disturbance from them.
As for what I have learned from letters from the Pasha, the Emin who has to settle our boundaries has arrived at Thebes, and will be here shortly with the Pasha. When I think that our [f 5] adversary is allowed to be the judge (especially because the Pasha has said, "Although the Emin is coming, nevertheless I have the liberty to give what seems right to me."), he will give us such a small share that your subjects of Nauplion and the stratioti will have no way of working and living.
The castle of Thermissi is extremely important and gives great advantage to Your Signoria, because it is an impregnable fortress, and also because of the salt pans which supply this land. Many places in the Morea come here to buy salt, and it gives great benefit to your camera. Further, that place and Kastri have a great deal of territory, very useful to work, and especially for holding animals, especially for the stratioti. If it falls into Turkish hands, it will greatly constrict the borders of this terra, and will take from the stratioti their means of being able to work and make a living, which is the most powerful reason the Turks are so insistent on having it, and on appropriating another place called Iria which is the principal pasturage for the horses of the stratioti, a short distance from here, which the flamburar demands together with Thermissi and Kastri.
VI
10 February 1479 [f 6; Sathas VI, 124]
Most Serene Prince:
On the 29th of last month I wrote Your Excellency in a duplicate letter about the raid made by the flamburar of the Morea on Thermissi and Kastri, places belonging to Your Signoria, where he took about 120 souls and many animals. I sent Ser Francesco de Nassin, a citizen of this place, to him to protest this fresh affront, and ask that he make restitution of the souls and animals, and he would do nothing. By this I inform Your Highness that the flamburar, after taking this booty, has gone back toward Corinth and is staying at a place about 18 miles from here. I have been informed that he is preparing to set out to make another attack, as it is said, in the direction of Monemvasia and Vatika, and it is said he will return to these places of Thermissi and Kastri. I have taken steps to send a messenger to Monemvasia to inform the respected podestà, and I sent 12 fanti with a constestabile to Thermissi to join those [f 6v] I sent earlier. And because I learned that the men in those places are badly disgruntled because of the harm they have suffered at the hands of the flamburar, I sent 2 grippi to collect the families that were in these castles, and brought them here.
about the arrival of the Emin to settle the boundaries. On the 7th, I was informed by letter from the flamburar that the Emin had arrived who is to apportion the boundaries of this place, with a request that I should go in person to join them to apportion the boundaries. Considering the unreliability of the flamburar and concerned that some difficulties and dangers might occur, not so much for me personally as for this district, I at first declined to go in person and sent Ser Francesco de Nassin to make excuses for my refusal. From Ser Francesco and others whom I sent to reconnoitre the flamburar’s camp, I learned that there was great disorder among his people, and that he had insisted strongly that I be there in person, and had been indignant at my refusal as he had come personally to within a mile of the city, expecting that I would come to him.
I decided to go in person and gathered as many stratioti as I could find in the city, and as many soldati and men from the territory, and took with me all the documents pertinent to the issue of the borders and our jurisdiction, and the principle and most knowledgeable citizens, with whom I have mainly conferred and we discussed what was necessary for our rights. I also took testimoni antiqui as witnesses who were knowledgeable and well-informed about our boundaries, and left orders as to what should be done about guarding the city. We went and found the flamburar in the middle of his escort, where he waited for me with the Emin and about 100 horse. I made the appropriate greetings with words supportive of the great peace Your Signoria has with his most illustrious Lord, then we entered into the matter of the boundaries. I argued that according to the provisions of the peace treaty and the assurances his Lord made to Your Signoria, he should assign me the former boundaries of the place, which I offered to show him at length with authentic documents and elderly witnesses, honorable and worthy of credence. He replied decisively that he did not have instructions of this kind from his Lord, and that in fact that he had specific instructions [f 7] that all the territory from which his timars had collected the decima was his, and that in accordance with the evidence of their witnesses he would locate the boundary of Nauplion from a bridge here near the city, in such a way that he would take and usurp more than two-thirds of our territory. I told him that this was not the intent and assurance of his Lord, pointing out that this was in fact against the form and provisions of the peace treaty, and the arrangements and promises agreed with Your Signoria, requesting that he would give attention to our reasoning and our documents, and to the witnesses who have the best information about the boundaries of Nauplion, and then divide the boundaries of Nauplion from those of Argos and assign ours according to the provisions of the peace treaty and the assurance given by his most illustrious Lord to Your Signoria.
He replied firmly as above, saying that he did not have this instruction from his Lord, and he had instructions expressed and specified in the above manner, showing a letter in Turkish which he said contained instructions from which he could not depart. When I requested that he show me this letter to make a copy and learn its contents, he refused to give it to me but read it in his own way. This meant that they read it out in Turkish and it was translated into Italian by his protogero who is Italian by birth, taken as a child and converted. In the first place, it said that the aforesaid Lord was sending the Emin to divide the territory of Nauplion from that of Argos, according to what Your Signoria possessed in the time of the Despots of the Morea; then at the end of the letter it concluded that all the places from which the timars of the Lord has collected the decima were his, and he based everything on this point. I responded that we also had a copy of this letter, and that the first part was in conformity with ours, but the last was not, and that clause that everything that was given as his timar was his referred to Monemvasia and Vatika. With reference to the first part, relating to the boundaries of Nauplion, I requested that he [f 7v] exercise judgment and determine our boundaries, which I offered to show and demonstrate at length that we possessed in the time of the Despots. Still persisting in his depraved intent, and according to the basis of the last part, he was by no means willing to assent to hear any reason or argument, or look at documents, or witnesses. He said he did not have any instructions from his Lord to consider any documents, for his part; he said finally he had judged according to his timar, and that he had decided and determined that our boundary was at the bridge, requesting and insisting that none of our people go to work across the bridge any more, and also that our people not go to cut grass and wood in his territories. I on my part responded that it was not a sign of peace to ask that our people not cut grass and wood in their own plots; however, because of this great peace of ours, we would attend to his will, and he had complete liberty to take from our possessions, and he has every liberty to take from our possessions, and likewise they towards us, they ought to do towards us, etc.
About the incident at Thermissi and Kastri: I claimed the rights of Your Signoria, saying that these places belonged to Your Signoria who has always held them in possession from the beginning to the present; that in 1394 differences arose between Your Signoria and the Despots of the Morea; that it was declared and recognized by syndics and gentlemen procurators representing one side and the other that they belonged to the Signoria of Venice; of which judgment and declaration there is authentic documentation in the Chancery, drawn precisely from the original, signed and authenticated by the hands of the Despots themselves, with a pendant seal of gilded silver.
They showed us that these places had been entered in full in the cadaster of their Lord, who acquired them when he came and took the Morea from the hands of the Despots.
I said that these places never belonged to the Despots but to Your Signoria, and that his Signor had neither taken nor appropriated them from Your Signoria because you were then at peace.
I remained for a long time arguing with them. I spoke fervently and at length in claiming the rights of Your Signoria as effectively as I could, but when I saw that I could not induce them to see reason and agree to establish and give me our historic boundaries, or acknowledge our documents and witnesses, I finally said that there was no way I could assent to his judgment or accept the boundaries he assigned me, and that I would immediately send a grippo to inform Your Signoria, and another to Constantinople to inform our Bailo who would inform the Sultan about the wrong done by the flamburar and Emin [f 8] and protest to him about all the complications that could follow, claiming in addition the witnesses. And with that I left them.
I inform Your Excellency that in our company, between horse and foot, there were about 500 men total, well turned-out, to the great honor and repute of Your Signoria. I had them stand on one side, and in the same way the flamburar made his, and not only the respected Miser Hieronimo Lion was there, but also the principal citizens of the place, and my chancellor, and the turciman of Your Signoria’s Ambassador.
Similarly, on the flamburar’s side were the same number of foot and horse.
Most Serene Prince, Your Signoria may be certain that I have extended every effort to do honor to Your Signoria and maintain your rights, but having to deal with these arrogant people, faithless, without any rationality, I was not able to reach a good settlement with them, and am concerned that they may do worse to your other territories.
I made presents to the flamburar and Emin worth about 26 ducats, of barley bread, honey, confections, sugar, candles and other things, of which presents the flamburar took his part, but the Emin did not want to accept anything, as he seems to me different in every respect.
For Your Signoria’s information: the area around Thermissi is extremely advantageous to this terra, for its location, for its impregnable fortress, and also because it has extensive fertile territory suited for work and holding animals, and especially for the salt wells under its jurisdiction which supply this terra and many places in the Morea, and is of great profit to your camera; if the place comes into the hands of the Turks and they occupy the salt wells and the fortresses all as far as Iria, which is a large territory and pasturage for horses, the borders of the territory occupied on that side, and the other side toward Argos as I have said, will be restricted in this was, so that the stratioti cannot stay in the terra and this is the most powerful reason and principle objective of the Turks who are seeking so eagerly to limit the boundaries of this place, to take away the capacity of the stratioti to keep themselves alive so that they can expel them from this terra.
I inform Your Excellency that the flamburar spoke with us through his protogero who is an unassuming person and in this discussion and our dispute he was the turciman. [f 8v]
He demonstrated himself to be a friend of Your Signoria, and among other things used these words: "These Albanian stratioti of yours are the worst sort of peoplewhy do you not get rid of them?" I responded that it was true that among the Albanians most of them were scoundrels, but all that were here with us were good men and of good condition. He said to me: "If you expel the Albanians from this terra, we would never have differences between us."
So I request, encourage, and respectfully remind Your Excellency that you should be pleased to make appropriate arrangements in this matter and respond and direct me what to do about this place of Thermissi, because the flamburar finally promised me not to take any fresh action against the place until the end of two months, so that in the meantime I will have a reply from Your Signoria; also about the matter of the boundaries which the aforesaid Emin has assigned, that usurp more than two-thirds of our territory, the greater part of which has been sown by the stratioti, and if Your Signoria does not make some provision for this, at harvest time it will be a cause of offence and much trouble is bound to follow between Turks and stratioti.
As I said above, I was hesitant to go out in person and abandon the custody of this terra and the castles, being the sole rector. I considered the unreliability of the flamburar, nevertheless because I had learned that his troops were not well-equipped, and because he in person had come within a mile of this territory with few horse, expecting that I would come to him, and was very indignant because I had excused myself from going out, and that he greatly valued my going in person because of the honor of Your Signoria, I made the decision and went. Because there was no mention made of this in my commission, and because a similar incident will occur in future, perhaps of even greater importance and I will be asked to go out, and I do not know how to govern and not do anything that displeases Your Signoria, I ask that you will be pleased to direct me as to what course I have to follow in future, should an event arise which makes it necessary to go outside the terra in person.
about the stratioti. The capi of the stratioti have complained in my presence in the name of their università, explaining that they have served Your Signoria a long time in this war with complete loyalty in land and sea, and have spilt their blood in your service, and now the Turks [f 9] because of the war made in the name of Your Signoria, bear them mortal hate and seek to take away their livelihood so they cannot make a living and stay in this terra, so that in defining the boundaries he is usurping the area sown by the stratioti, which is the only place where they can hope to keep themselves alive, and including it in the boundaries of Argos, threatening them that if he finds them outside the confines of this terra, as defined by the map made by the Emin, he will cut them to pieces. It has come about that they cannot go out to cut grass for their horses, nor wood for their use to any of their places. So seeing that he is trying everything to take away their means of keeping themselves and their horses alive, to expell them from the terra, they have requested that I make some provision for their living, or even that I give them permission to go where they can to find a way of making a living. I responded to them with the gentlest words possible, encouraging them to remain in good spirits, because Your Signoria will not abandon them, and will come to their aid and provide for their living. I have not so far been able to provide for them, but by my letter I commend them to you and inform you of their needs. Most Serene Prince, Your Signoria knows their merits and how faithfully they have operated in your service, and when I rode out they came with me readily, and were a splendid representation of Your Signoria, so that they deserve praise and commendation from you, I request Your Sublime Authority that you deign to succour their extreme necessity, and make some sort of provision for them, otherwise they will be scattered abroad, because the flamburar, as I have said, has included the area that they have sown in his own territory.
I decided to send a messenger to Constantinople with my letters to the Magnificent Bailo, to give him full information about the aforesaid matters, and the raid and damage done by the flamburar against Your Signoria’s places and subjects. I asked and persuaded that he would make a call at the Porte of the Sultan, and ensure that he should deign to take action and provide a timely remedy the aforesaid crimes.
Nothing else, etc. To whose grace, etc.
Sent to Methone by my personal messenger.
Duplicate 15 March by Ser Marco Catello.
XXII
14 August 1480 [f 18v; Sathas VI,141]
Most Serene Prince:
about the arrival of Sinan Beyi to determine the boundaries. My last letter was on the 2nd of this month, in which I wrote to tell Your Excellency how much grain had arrived that day. By this I inform you that on the 12th the galley Cocha (formerly the Salomona) arrived here. It left Constantinople on the 3rd of this month, and brought the Magnificent Sinan-Beyi, protogero of Greece, assigned by the Lord Turk to divide up the boundaries and places of Your Signoria, and with him came Ser Zuam Dario. This Sinan-Beyi, according to Ser Zuam Dario, is a man of high standing with the Lord Turk, and is, under the Begler-Beyi, the capo of Greece, and over all the flamburari.. He seems to be an unassuming man, and well-disposed towards Your Signoria's affairs. I welcomed him, and made great efforts to show him honour and greet him warmly, and I paid the expenses of a house for him and his household, the best that I could manage, considering the condition of the place. I decided to give him a present of 30-40 ducats, so that Your Signoria's affairs will prosper, because he has full liberty to divide the boundaries of Your Signoria's places as he pleases. If Your Signoria agrees that this present should be made by this camera, one-quarter will be paid by the citizens, who are really very poor, and in the matter of the peace, between gifts and other expenses, have paid more than 100 ducats, with great difficulty. Nevertheless Your Signoria directs as it wishes. I am also paying for a separate neighbouring house for Ser Zuam Dario with his company.
In the dividing of these boundaries, I will use all my care and diligence to preserve the rights of Your Signoria, insofar as I can.
The aforesaid Sinan-Bey, when he first arrived here, sent for the Pasha, the flamburar of this province, and for a cadi, and when they arrive, he will set to work expeditiously on this matter.
News: I hear from Ser Zuam Dario, that when he was leaving Constantinople, a messenger arrived from Rhodes who reported that an attack had been made on the city, etc.
XXIII
5 September 1480 [f 19; Sathas VI,142]
Most Serene Prince:
about the differences & division of the boundaries made by Sinan-Beyi. On the 14th of last month, I wrote to Your Excellency about the arrival here of the galley Cocha on which Sinan-Beyi came, the protogero of Greece, the Emin assigned by the Lord Turk to decide and divide the boundaries and places of Your Signoria, and with him came Ser Zuam Dario, secretary of Your Excellency, etc. By this I inform you that on the 20th, the Paşa the flamburar of the Morea, who was in the area of Kalavrita, has returned to Argos where I went with Ser Zuam Dario, accompanied by the citizens and many well-disciplined stratioti.
We first disagreed over the facts concerning the castles of Kiveri, Castri and Thermissi with their salt pans. We claimed Your Signoria's rights with as much diligence and observation as possible. I said I wanted to accurately and extensively prove by authentic documents and by qualified witnesses, worth of trust, that these castles had belonged to Your Signoria from a time long past, always held and possessed by you in peace, and neither the Despots of the Morea nor any other lord had possession, or any right to them and consequently, according to the form of this part of the agreement with the Turkish Sultan, we insisted that the said castles should remain freely in the possession of Your Signoria.
The said Pasha and Sinan-Beyi Emin, with the cadis of Charitena, Kalavrita and Argos brought by him, said that the Despots of the Morea had been in possession of these castles, and that his Lord had acquired them when he came and took the Morea from the hand of the Despots, and they were written and registered according to his defteri, meaning cadaster, with the rest of the Morea, and had been granted to his timars, who calculated the decime and revenues from them, as he offered to prove, and that he did not want to see any document of ours, or accept our witnesses.
I replied that the intention of his Lord was not being carried out in this way, and that it was for us to prove our possession and our property, and justify this part of the treaty of his Lord, and that through an unjust and wrongful decision previously made by the Emin -- without hearing the rights, documents, and our witnesses he claimed as it appeared to them.. And for this Your Signoria sent your Magnificent Ambassador to the Sultan, who sent Sinan-Bei the protogero, the aforesaid Emin, to hear our reasoning, documents, [f 19v] and witnesses, and divide the countryside up between Nauplion and Argos, and to give us the part belonging to Nauplion, also to declare that these castles of ours will freely remain ours, and that the flamburar of this province ought not to interfere with them or approach them, as is contained in the aforesaid section of the treaty. Beyond that, many long disputations took place for two days concerning the opinion of the aforesaid Pasha, but at length with the greatest fatigue and difficulty he consented to hear our witnesses being examined. And so we produced the witnesses, the oldest and most knowledgeable men, beginning with the Greek bishop, our priests and citizens of the place, who under the constraint of an oath sworn on the Holy Gospels, at the hands of the bishop, as they requested, were examined about these castles. All the witnesses made depositions and testified that these castles with their jurisdictions, pertinencies and salt pans, had belonged to Your Signoria from ancient times; and that they had never known another lord over them except Your Signoria. The testimony of these things was written in Greek by our cancellier on one side, and by the scrivan of the Pasha on the other side, and made to match word for word, and when the aforesaid Pashas, Sinan-Beyi and Cadi, heard these testimonies, they admitted and stated publicly that the said castles belonged to Your Signoria, ceding their rights to you. However, because they had been entered into the register of their Lord, they said it was not within their competence to make a different decision, but that they would send these testimonies to their Lord, so that he may remove these castles from his register and command that they be yours, and that in the interim, the Pasha the flamburar promised not to harass these castles in any way, and in this manner we settled the matter of the castles.
About the division of the countryside: we claimed and demanded that they should choose one of two courses, whichever pleased them: either that they should give and assign our true and ancient boundaries to us, as we offered to prove and demonstrate at length with original documents and honest and credible witnesses, aged and knowledgeable men, or that they should examine the nature and situation of Nauplion where there are [f 20] 20,000 souls and more, and on the other side the nature and situation of Argos, where there are fewer than 200 households, and after examining all the countryside between the two places, they should give us the portion due to our place of Nauplion, according to the provision of the aforesaid treaty.
They replied that they wanted to give as much as was necessary for the households of Nauplion to live on and work but, and they interpreted the portion contained in the treaty in this way: the Albanians who live in Nauplion ought not to be included in the count, because they are men of their own country, foreigners in Nauplion. We attempted with many arguments to explain the content and intention of the treaty, and they still persevered in their obstinacy and then refused to accept any of our evidence, or to hear the old men who knew and were going to show the boundaries of Nauplion. Seeing that we could not make them see reason, we requested that their elders and ours should be made to take an oath, and that according to what theirs together with ours showed as the true and ancient boundaries, they should remain content and fix the boundaries there. They were content with this, because they had understood that their elders agreed with ours and then, after their elders had sworn first, they did not wish ours to swear, saying that according to their law it was not permitted that the witnesses of both sides should take an oath. There was a long argument over this, and finally it was decided that theirs and ours would go together and point out the boundaries in agreement, and we, representing both sides, would follow them, and locate the boundaries where they said that they were. We did so, and our cancellier with the scrivan of the flamburar noted the boundaries, both of them in agreement.
Beginning from the White Tower by the shore, where it was shown by our elders and theirs in agreement, passing the river, which is ours, and crossing the countryside, we went as far as a place called Aïto, about one mile from Argos and about four from Nauplion. Then from there we went towards the mountain northwards as far as a well called the well of La Thura, which was the place up to which we have had what is due to us, according to what is said by our elders and our documents, supported by the contentions of the citizens and stratioti. When we had to turn from [f 20v] there along the crest of the mountains towards the east to circle and enclose the boundaries and territory of Nauplion, the Turks began to create a dispute. They said that along this stretch of coast they were cost many catune, inhabited by Albanians, and they claimed that these catune belonged to their Lord, and he had conceded them to his timars. We replied to them that these catune had been in your territory from ancient times and belonged to Your Signoria, and had been conceded by the podestà of the place to the Albanians to live in, paying the zemoro into this fund for the administration of the territory, as appears in the books of this cancelleria. It is true that when the Turkish Sultan came into the Morea with his army, the Albanians from fear withdrew into this terra, and afterwards returned to the catune, and so they were not molested by the Turks because they were their subjects, so that in addition to the zemoro that they paid to this Regime, they also paid the decima to the Turks. It is because of this kind of payment that they wanted to appropriate land that belongs to Your Signoria. And about this there was much dispute, the Turks not being at all willing to agree to see any document nor hear our witnesses.
Rather, persevering in their false opinion and obstinacy, they said that these catune belonged to their Lord, and that they wanted to reserve a part of the land in the countryside in this area for the use of those who are now dwelling in the said catune, since these are at present deserted; and we for our part stood firm by what we had said. Finally they said that they were willing to take some small part, in a way that would do little harm. They started from the lower part and we started from above on our territory, and we drew up a plan from the aforesaid well of La Thura, and taking in part of the countryside, we went as far as Drepanon on the coast, which controls the way to the aforesaid castles of Thermissi and Castri, and excluding a place called Kandia, and Iria, which is the most useful place that Nauplion has for pasture and for grain, also a monastery called San Theodosio to which all this terra is greatly devoted, because he is a saint, who works miracles -- they excluded these from the boundaries of Nauplion. We were unwilling to agree to this plan made by them, especially about Iria and Kandia which from ancient times have been and are in the territory and jurisdiction of Nauplion. They, on the other hand, said they belonged to their Lord, and that they wished to prove through witnesses that in the time of the despots and their ruler the decima had been collected from that place. And they produced two men of the vilest sort, who through fear and the threats of the Turks bore witness in a way that suited them.
We said that our proof that shows us that we are in possession, and we wished to prove thoroughly though authentic documents and qualified witnesses that these places [f 21] had belonged to Your Signoria from ancient times. They, especially the Pasha, who in all our affairs has been opposed and most hostile persisted in his obstinacy. Sinan-Beyi said that his commission was concerned only with the countryside and castles, and that he could not make any decision in our favour relating to this place of Iria, but he wanted to leave this place for further discussion, promising to give so complete an account to the Sultan, that it together with with the castles would remain with Your Signoria.
We told him that he should agree to examine our witnesses on this, as he did about the castles, and that in the interim he should leave them in our possession without harassment from the flamburar. He replied that it was not within his competence to interfere in this matter, or examine any witness, because his commission did not extend to this place. And so we saw that no reasoning would be of help in managing to get him to hear and examine our witnesses and our rights to this place. The Pasha and the cadis went on their side of the boundary as they prepared their witnesses. Finally we told them that the division of the boundaries of the countryside should remain firm as far as the well of La Thura, and the differences over this place of Iria and the catune would remain to be discussed. They replied that they were satisfied that the differences over Iria should remain to be discussed, and that since the hour was late, we broke off the engagement and departed from there in disagreement and came to the terra.
The following day, Ser Zuam Dario, who remained at the lodging of the Pasha with Sinan-Beyi, forwarded to me a proposal that Sinan-Beyi had made to him, saying that he was willing for the church of S. Theodosio to be included in our boundaries, and where he had put the boundaries as far as the shore at Drepanon and severed the way to go to to Iria and the castles, because the neighbouring territories from Nauplion to Iria stretched as far as the castles, he was leaving a narrow passage to pass along the shore and go to the castles. After receiving this proposal I called together the citizens of the terra, and showed it to them, and after discussing the matter with them, we composed another proposal about the way in which the boundaries should be fixed, and saying that we should not quarrel with the Turks over a minor matter. We sent this proposal that we had formed to Ser Zuam Dario, so that he could show it to Sinan-Beyi, and see if he could settle this difference [f 21v] concerning the boundaries as far as Iria, on the understanding that the difference over Iria and Candia joined with Iria, could remain as a subject for further discussion.
Ser Zuam Dario wrote to me by return of the messenger that I sent to him that he had showed our proposal to Sinan-Beyi and the Pasha who responded that they wanted to settle this matter, and that they wished to send one of the cadis, with some of their other people, and that we on the other hand should send whoever seemed good to us, to go over the place and look at the boundaries that we had described in our proposal, and see the difference between one and the other, and adjust and adapt it.
And so I sent 6 citizens, who went over the place together with the people from the Pasha, and saw what the difference was. They were satisfied for the boundaries to be established as we were requesting in our proposal.
Therefore in the morning I mounted and went to the Paşa's residence, where I met together with him and Sinan-Beyi with the cadis, and we concluded that the boundaries should be as we requested. So we made two documents in Greek, one from the hand of our cancellier and the other from the hand of the Paşa 's scrivan, about the division of the boundaries from the White Tower on the shore where we began, as far as a valley called Klissura at the head of the territory of Drepanon. The document made by his scrivan was signed by the three cadis on behalf of the Pasha, Sinan-Beyi, and themselves, and was given to us. The other made by our cancellier, signed by me, Sinan-Beyi took. The differences over Iria and Kandia remain in discussion. We were most insistent and tried very hard to persuade Sinan-Beyi to examine our witnesses to test the ownership of Iria and Kandia. He flatly refused, saying that he did not have a commission from his Lord, and for that reason he could not meddle in the matter. He did however promise that he would explain this to his Lord in such a way that he hoped that Iria and Kandia together with the castles would remain ours, and that in the meantime they would remain in our possession, and would not be harassed by the Pasha in any way.
With this we finished our business and made our arrangements. I inform Your Excellency that we spent ten days over these arguments, going on horseback every day from morning to evening, going over the country [f 22] and the hills, with many disagreements, so that I should have been quite debilitated, as I had only recently risen after being sick. Nevertheless, I have not shirked any labour, with the result that I have used all my ingenuity, zeal, and diligence to preserve the honor and rights of Your Signoria, for the benefit and advantage of this terra, which after discussion of the boundaries and castles has received everything that it should, and everyone universally, the citizens and the common people, as well as the stratioti, remain content and satisfied, inasmuch as they have lands, pastures, and adequate water, and the same is true of the terrieri, like the stratioti and other Albanians, and especially the stratioti will have every convenience and enough room for sowing grain, and for pasturing their horses and other animals.
Ser Zuam Dario in this affair has borne himself worthily; his ingenuity and ability has been extremely useful, so that he deserves Your Excellency's praise and commendation. He was together with me in everything, and we shared the same opinion and purpose.
The aforesaid Sinan-Beyi has been a good friend and supporter of Your Signoria, and has shown this very effectively. As I wrote to Your Signoria, I intended to make some present to him, but I conferred with Ser Zuam Dario, and considering that the Paşa and the cadis have put him under observation, and thinking that he might be discovered and ruined, I refrained. In truth, the days he spent here, I honoured and cared for him, as much as was possible considering the condition of the place, and was friendly and intimate with him, and at the end, when I took courteous leave of him, I was generous with him and thanked him for the way he treated us and for being a good friend to Your Signoria, which is never ungrateful towards those who do you service, and in fact, has always been courteous and generous. I said that I would inform you of the exertions that he has made, so that you might act towards him as he deserves, asking him to persevere in his good attitude toward the other places belonging to Your Signoria, and that he should be optimistic that Your Signoria will act towards him as he deserves. He thanked me with pleasant and kind words, and he offered to act similarly in the other places belonging to Your Signoria. He said that he would act in accordance with the requirements of justice and the good treaty that Your Signoria has with his Lord, and he was satisfied with the good regard of Your Signoria, and that he was satisfied with the honor and good reception that I made him. I wished to give this information to Your Excellency, [f 22v] whom I reverently request to be pleased to use great courtesy towards him, so that he will act well in your other places, as I am sure he will do, and send him some presents, as seems appropriate to you, because he genuinely deserves them, not only for work done in this terra, but also for the other terre of Your Signoria, which is more important, and because he is a man of high standing with The Turkish Sultan. Nothing else, etc.
I have written to Methonē, Koronē, and Nepanto, giving them information about what has been achieved concerning the boundaries, for their information. Similarly, I have written to the Magnificent Miser Nicolò Cocco, Ambassador to Constantinople, by way of Kandia, and sent a messenger to give him specific information about what happened here with the Emin, etc.
XXIV
19 December 1480 [f 22v; Sathas VI, 147]
Most Serene Prince:
about the arrival of Miser Ieronimo Morosini, Provveditor of the Fleet. Recently the Magnificent Miser Ieronimo Morosini, provveditor of the fleet, arrived here, who, in accordance with the orders he had from the Magnificent Captain General, held a review and paid the stratioti. Because in this review through bad information given by those who were close to his Magnificence, namely capi, for their particular advantage as Your Signoria will learn in time, many of the old and competent stratioti have been repudiated and their appointments annulled, and other useless ones taken on, as will be known in time. And when I held another review to take their bolette, according to Your Signoria's instructions, the frauds that had been committed were discovered.
about the flight of Thodoro Bua. Among the others, Thodoro Bua, who was angered by being stripped of his standing, but more because he is a man of unreliable and bad character, and has committed a number of other misdeeds here and in other places, and was endured and tolerated because of the condition of the times, quietly seduced a number of stratioti, the greater part of whom had been dismissed, and rose up on the 15th of this month, and fled with about 30 horse and a number of Albanian foot and zagdari, rode to Argos and took about 30 Turkish janissaries he found that were working in the fields, and killed three, as the gisdari or castellan at Argos wrote to me. He then left there and went toward Manē to join up with Kladas and attack the Turks.
As soon as I learned about this in the morning, I immediately mounted [f 23] as many capi and stratioti as I could find in the terra and they rode after them to try to take them, and they were not able to come up with them.
I had a proclamation made, and set a price on Thodoro and his companions, and took into custody as many of their households as I could find, since no property belonging to them could be found. I have made every provision for demonstrating to the Turks in the neighbourhood that this matter has occurred without my consent and knowledge, and against the will of Your Signoria, which estimably intends to observe and maintain the good peace you have with their Lord. I wrote letters and informed the Pasha the flamburar of the Morea and the subassi and castellani of the places in our neighbourhood.
I consequently decided to inform Your Excellency, so that you know the development of this affair. I will not rest from doing everything to prevent the possibility that because of this happening other stratioti would commit some similar act and movement because these people are volatile and by their bad nature inclined to similar disturbances and scandals.
Recently, by way of Lepanto, I had a letter from the Magnificent Ambassador of Your Signoria written in Constantinople on November 5, in which he writes to me that he has not received any letter from me to inform him about what has happened here about the division of the boundaries with the Emin sent by the Lord Turk asking me to send a special messenger who would give him specific information, so that if any differences remained, he could mend them. And although I had immediately sent a dispatch by way of Candia giving full and exact information to His Magnificence that the Emini Sinan-Beyi was here, and though it was news to me that my letters had not been delivered to him, nevertheless as soon as I received his letter I sent a messenger to Constantinople, through whom I gave specific information to His Grace concerning what had transpired as a result of the arrival of the Emini in relation to establishment of the boundaries and our differences. And then I informed him of the greater uprising made by Kladas in Manē, and about the flight of Thodoro Bua, so that if anything is written or information is given by the flamburar of this province from his own point of view, and he wishes to blame us, the ambassador can vindicate justify and excuse our part, since this uprising happened against the will and intent of Your Excellency, which observes and intends to observe and maintain inviolably the fine peace that you have with the Sultan, and against [f 23v] the will and without the knowledge of us your rettori who have been expressly commanded by you to keep the peace in an effective manner.
It is my understanding, and I judge it to be so, that these other stratioti were plotting with Thodoro Bua and his companions, and because they are a people by nature inimicable to peace, who love discord and troubles, I have not wished to do anything openly, and similarly with the households of the traitors who fled, I did everything possible to apprehend them, and I went in person with many citizens and capi of the stratioti to their catune, and could find nothing, because they had warned them, and there was no way that they would obey me or any agent of mine. For now, I think it best not to make any other against them, but in time I will do what seems necessary for the well-being and quiet of Your Signoria's affairs.
The number of Turks taken at Argos, I am reliably informed, is not more than 10, of whom 7 were taken alive, and two killed, and one wounded, though the gisdari wrote to me there were 30, as I said above. Nothing else, etc.
Same day: I have written to the Magnificent Captain General about this uprising in the same terms as are contained above, by Ser Piero Civran, and the letter was repeated to the Magnificent Miser Nicolò Cocho, ambassador, both concerning the success of the establishment of the boundaries, and also about the actual uprising.
XXXIII
19 February 1480 [f 28v; Sathas VI, 154]
Most Serene Prince:
about the arrival of the new Flamburar of the Morea. On the 14th of the month, I wrote to Your Excellency of what had occurred to date, and about the arrival of the new flamburar in the Morea, etc. By this I inform you, that on the 16th the flamburar came to stay near Argos, and immediately sent his voivode here with 15 horse to visit me. He on his part made me the appropriate greetings and offerings and spoke with kind and amiable words, saying that he was disposed to regard me as his good brother, and to live as neighbours with me and with this terra amicably and affectionately, and in perfect peace and quiet, because the intention of his Lord is to observe and maintain the good peace that he has with Your Signoria.
I responded to him with kind and affectionate words, saying in response that I wished to live as a neighbour with the flamburar with the greatest good will, and with a firm intention to preserve the true peace that exists between Your Highness and his most illustrious Lord. I gave a good welcome to the voivode, and made generous gifts to him and his company. I have given him 6 braccieof sky-blue cloth for a robe. He presented to me on behalf of the aforesaid flamburar a silk fazuol in the form of a Turkish sash, and when he left me he was very well contented. As a further demonstration of goodwill, I decided to send Ser Francesco de Nassin, a citizen of this place, to the voivode with many mounted stratioti to visit the flamburar, and to match his present, and so that Your Signoria’s subjects, who have no other way of making a living other than trade in the Morea may have a good relationship with him and also that he has reason to be a good neighbour to this terra, I sent him a present of 3 silver cups, of about 25 ounces, which I bought from Miser Ieronimo Lion son of the late Miser Andrea, who is living in this terra. I also sent him fish and other foodsuffs, and I instructed the said Ser Francesco that he should give the flamburar the usual appropriate greeting and offers on my behalf, and use as many gentle and welcoming words as possible, with every demonstration of good will, and observe the excellent peace that exists between Your Signoria and his Most Serene Lord, which Your Signoria is completely committed to observe and maintain, while we its rectori have been expressly commanded by it to live in a friendly and affectionate manner with the flamburar as neighbours. The flamburar graciously accepted Ser Francesco de Nassin, and received him generously in return with gentle and welcoming words, saying that he was completely disposed to have me as a good brother, and to live as a neighbour with this terra in complete peace and in love and in utter goodwill. He guaranteed that he on one hand and I on the other would establish this country in quiet and tranquillity, because he has the express command of his Lord to this effect, with other gentle and kind words. He said in conclusion that it was necessary for him to leave and hurry to the Manē to guard his places, so that Kladas would not harm them, and on his return to this area he would come to visit me in person and converse with me, because he has a great desire to meet me, so that between him and me the highest goodwill may exist, [f 29] and that arrangements and forms can be created which will allow this country to live in peace and tranquillity. From the voivode of the flamburar there was presented to me a letter from the Turkish Sultan directed to Your Signoria, written in Latin, about the Kladas affair, which I am sending to Your Excellency as an attachment to this one.
Furthermore, I have received a letter from Your Signoria of the 10th of last month, in which I learn what Your Highness writes and commands me about the discharged stratioti, that I ought to treat them kindly, and assist them with grain so they can live with their families, etc. I inform Your Excellency, as I have written to you in other letters, at the review and reformation of the condutte of the stratioti made by the Magnificent Miser Ieronimo Morosini, Provveditor of the Fleet, there followed some disturbances on account of the capi and old and competent stratioti who had been demoted from their ranks, and discharged as capi, and the provisions made for some of them reduced. Also some useful stratioti were rejected and other useless ones hired through the incorrect information of those who were with the aforesaid provveditor, for their particular benefit, so that there was great confusion among them and they were extremely discontented. So up to the present and ever since I have continually encouraged them continually to feel confident that you will make provisions so that they remain content. And so I made them feel contented and hopeful.
At the review that I will conduct in a few days I will use all diligence to repair the disorders which have resulted, as best I can. About the subvention of grain to be given to those who were discharged, according to Your Signoria’s order, I will follow your command with all moderation and discretion. As for the stratioti who fled from here with Thodoro Bua as rebels against Your Signoria and went to Manē, and joined up with that most perfidious Kladas to disturb the peace between Your Signoria and the Turkish Sultan: I had them proclaimed as rebels and traitors, as they are banned and have been expelled, and can never more return to this place, and if they are taken within the area under the control of this Regime they will be punished as rebels. In this way the command and order of Your Signoria, that they be not taken back, has been executed, and will be duly executed in future.
About the construction work at this place: as I have written in my other letters to Your Excellency, I attend to it with total zeal and solicitude, and if I had the necessary things, principally money, and if the maran were to come, which has not yet arrived here, and if I had the aid of a galley, without which work cannot be done, especially for loading the maran with stone, sand, brush and wood, I will continue persevering with all the solicitude possible to me. About the fortification of this place, for which much work is needed, and even though I do not have the aid of a galley or maran, I do not rest, and indeed will not rest, from concerning myself with it and doing everything I possibly can.
For news, I have nothing worth mentioning to Your Excellency, to whose grace, etc.
XLIII
24 May 1481 [f 34; Sathas VI, 163]
Most Serene Prince:
about the death of the Lord Turk. My last letter to you about what had happened to date was on the last day of last month, in which I wrote to Your Excellency about what had happened up that day. By this I inform you that today at the 11th hour of the day Ser Rinaldo Mezola arrived here, a citizen of this place, having come from Panagia in the jurisdiction of the territory of Thebes, from where he left on the 20th in the greatest haste. He told me the news that on that day the two sons of the cadi of Thebes had arrived there, after travelling from Constantinople in 11 days. The elder of them told this Ser Rinaldo in secret that the Lord Turk had died in this manner: after passing into Anatolia with his army to go in the direction of Syria, so far as it could be established, when he was about twenty days away from Constantinople, because he fell sick and did not show himself to his people every three days, according to custom, his troops suspected that he was dead. The janissaries asked the pasha to show them the Sultan, and he raised his arm and showed it to them, and did this once or twice. But finally his death was discovered. The janissaries took up arms and beheaded Mehmed Pasha, the principal paşa of the army, and at the same time slaughtered the other leaders in the camp, and sacked the chasna, that is, the Sultan's treasury. And when the janissaries brought the body of the Sultan back to Constantinople, the rest of the janissaries, about a thousand, who had stayed in Constantinople, took up arms in company with the other janissaries and sacked the Sultan's chasna at Constantinople and cut to pieces all the leading Turks who were in Constantinople, except for the aga, that is, the commander, of the janissaries. And the Jews, Christians, and Franks whom they found in their way were cut to pieces, and some of them taken as slaves, and their possessions looted.
Also the son of the cadi said that he had seen the Bailo led away bound in Constantinople. And they took all the galeotti they found in the city, and made slaves of some and massacred others, and the equipment was removed from the galleys. He could not say anything else about the ambassador. He also said that the aga of the janissaries, who is the son-in-law of the elder son of the Sultan, who was in Anatolia, was trying to make his father-in-law Sultan, and the janissaries preferred the other, younger, son of the Sultan, etc. Having this news, it seemed to me to be important to inform [f 34] Your Signoria and the Magnificent Captain General. Not being able to have faster transport other than the galley of the respected sopracomito Miser Costanzo Loredan, sent here for the building work, I requested and begged the sopracomito that he should leave and go to the Magnificent Captain General with the present letter. He willingly obeyed and left immediately. About this news, in the exact form that I have received it, as is my responsibility, I inform Your Signoria, and you will most wisely decide as it pleases you. Nothing else, etc.
LXXIII
15 February 1481 [f 50; Sathas VI, 188 ]
Most Serene Prince:
about the reconciliation with the Kladioti by means of the flamburar. On the 17th of last month, I wrote to Your Excellency that the flamburar of this province had returned form the Porte. His voivode, who is of the Albanian nation, related to the Busichei who are capi of the stratioti, has attempted to reconcile Mexa Busichi, capo of the band of the Kladioti, with others of his principal companions, and return him to the favour of the flamburar. On this matter, the voivode and another of the principal subassis of the Morea, also of the Albanian nation, wrote and sent their letters to Piero and Duma Busichi, knights, cousins of this Mexa, which letters came into my hands because their owners brought them to me, and I am sending a copy of them to Your Highness, etc.
I inform Your Excellency [f 50v] now that after I had I sent Ser Zorzi de Londa, citizen of this terra, to the flamburar to congratulate him on his arrival, with several gifts, and assurance of the peace and our neighbourliness, Ser Zorzi met the flamburar near Corinth, as he was coming towards Argos, and sent word to say that he wanted to come to the countryside of Nauplion to meet and to confer with me. So on the 13th I rode with 500 horse and about 200 fanti on foot, counting soldati and people from the terra, all in good order, and went into the country near Castellazo, about a mile and a half from the terra, where I met the flamburar with about 300 Turkish horse in good condition. His people were made to stay on one side, and ours on the other, and the flamburar separated himself with his voivode and 5 more of his principals attendants, and I similarly with as many, and also present was the respected Miser Leonardo Diedo, sopracomito, who happened to be here with his galley. After making the appropriate greetings to each other, the flamburar using gracious and conciliatory words to me, and I to him, he told me that he had been to the Porte to meet with the new Sultan, and that among other things he had been asked about the incident of the Kladioti. He responded that these were about 30 Albanians who had fled from here and gone to Mane where they joined Kladas, and that after Kladas had escaped from Manē they returned here, and not being received here at Nauplion, they had moved to the mountains and were acting as brigands, damaging his country, explaining that this thing had happened against the intention of Your Signoria and myself. After the flamburar left the Porte, the gisdar of Corinth wrote to the Sultan that the Kladioti had 300 horse, and had killed Sinan-Beyi with his company. When the Sultan received this information, he at once sent a letter to the Flamburar commanding him that he should inquire into it, because he had said that there were only 30 horse, and the gisdar of Corinth had written to him that there were 300, and he should learn the truth and inform his government. I replied with what justification and explanation I could, explaining that the attacks committed by this band of Kladioti had originated in the catune of the Albanians, his subjects, who gave them welcome [f 51] and support, not just food, and a following and people from their company who went to raid their countryside, assuring him that we have no catune outside the gate of this terra, or casali, into which they could have withdrawn; in fact, the malefactors had consistently been welcomed in their catune, wand they were the main reason for the death of Sinan-Beyi and his company.
About the death of Sinan-Beyi, the flamburar admitted he had been very glad of that, because he was a poor kind of a fellow, who was a bad Christian and a worse Turk, and he deserved such a death.
About the other explanations that I made with the most gracious and conciliatory words that I could, he was content and said that whatever had happened in the past, he was not going to make a case of it, because it is important that between us a timely solution should be reached, so that this country and the subjects of one side and the other can live in peace and quiet. He called me aside, he with his voivode who was a turciman, and I was with my cancellier and turciman, and he told me that he wanted to lay this matter to rest. It was his opinion, and he requested me to agree, that I should be willing to pardon the Kladioti, and accept them and receive them in the terra, because he on his side was pardoning them, and that he would write to the Porte and explain the action to his Sultan and excuse our part in it. I replied that it was not within my power to pardon such rebels against Your Signoria, who were in opposition to the excellent and sincere peace that it has with his most illustrious Lord. Nevertheless he repeated what he had said, and begged me to agree to this, adding these words formally, that if he, who was offended by the attacks committed in the land of his Lord and by the killing of his Turks, pardoned the Kladioti malefactors, and forgave all their offenses and attacks, while I was not willing to pardon them, it would appear that Your Signoria and I were willing for these people to continue doing harm and even worse things.
I saw his great insistence and persuasive words that could be considered, but I said to him that I was willing to defer this matter for your consideration, and to send a letter to Your Signoria and write to you about this matter formally, [f 51v] and I will act and proceed in accordance with your response and the instructions that I shall receive from you; but that in the meantime, the Kladioti are to proceed to some remote place and stay in peace and quiet, until I have a response from Your Signoria, together with this, that the Busichei and other related capi of the stratioti, and the principals of their Kladioti, are to give assurances that they will not create any disturbances, or do any damage to the countryside or the people of his Lord or Your Signoria, and the flamburar was satisfied with my final response. And he and we gave instructions to his voivoide that he was to speak with the Busichei and with Sogan Caratolla and Marin Climenti, knights, who are relatives of the leaders of the Kladioti, and were handling this matter with the voivoide, because knowing the intention and will of the Kladioti they would give assurances for them as above. All four capi were willing to give such assurances, on condition that they have a space of three days in which to speak with them and assess the matter. At the end of that the capi came to me and said they had talked with Mexa Busichi, Ilia Sagan, and Canessi Climenti, leaders of the Kladioti, with all their company, and they were willing to give such assurances.
So for further confirmation, I sent my cancellier with two citizens from here to the Kladioti, where the aforesaid knights who were capi and the leaders of the Kladioti with all their company all agreed that the cancellier take note of the pledges and the assurances of the capi, and likewise the capi and other principals of the Kladioti were appointed to give security on their side for all their company, and they took an oath to observe these assurances. And so they all swore an oath to remain peaceful and quiet, and not to do any damage or cause any disturbances, until the response and instructions are received from Your Signoria.
Specific information was given to the flamburar about this pledge and oath, in my letter sent by Duma Busichi, knight, and other stratioti, following the order given by the flamburar and his voivode, while they were en route for Chlemoutsi, and he was very pleased. He wrote me a kindly letter in reply, and sent me a formal safe-conduct for the Kladioti, pardoning all they had done to the land and subjects of his Lord, [f 52] and remitting all their offences and assaults, but that they could never ask him for anything else, as Your Excellency will see in the copy of the letter of the flamburar and the safe-conduct enclosed in this. I wanted to give the specific information to Your Highness, so that when you understand everything you will command and dispose as you please. I would remind Your Excellency that when the flamburar, who is the injured party, asked me that I should pardon the Kladioti, I resisted, for the sake of the honour of Your Signoria and to confirm that these things had occurred contrary to your will and intention, but consented to suspend the matter for your contemplation, until I could inform Your Excellency and have a response from you, and this has brought great credit to Your Excellency.
Further, since I have been informed by the account of my cancellier and the citizens who were with him, that the Kladioti number 77, first-rate men and well-horsed, to please the flamburar, who although he was the one offended by them, nevertheless with great insistence asked and begged that I should pardon them, and for his part has pardoned them and remitted all offenses, and all the harm and murders of the Turks committed by them, and so as not to lose such excellent and valiant men, whom Your Signoria will have ready for your service for all your needs, because although they have been sought, as I have heard, by King Ferdinand, and by Signor Leonardo of Santa Maura, still they do not wish to agree to go to serve another lord, but are set on living and dying under the shade of Your Signoria, because they have served you for a long time, and some of them have died in your service. In regard to these matters, it would be my opinion, and this I respectfully suggest to Your Sublimity, that you deign to accept them into your favour and receive them back into your service, as they have been in the past.
As to their capi, there are Mexa Busichi, a competent man and personally more valuable than his other Busichei brethren. He, because of the reform of the condotte [f 52v] made by the provveditor, Miser Ieronimo Morosini, was downgraded and listed as a simple stratioto. This was the reason that his despair moved him to do what he has done. He deserves to be restored to his previous status and provision, like his brethren Piero, Duma, and Zorzi Busichi.
The second is Elia Sagan, who was a capo of the stratioti, a provisionato, and one of the old stratioti of this territory, who are called ‘Cambites’ and his brother who was also a capo provisionato, and others of his family have died in Your Signoria's service. He was not only discharged as capo and provisionato by the aforesaid Miser Ieronimo, but was also beaten. He similarly deserves to be returned to his former status of capo and provisionato.
The third, Canessi Climenti, who is a capable man and personally valiant, deserves to be made provisionato.
There is also Vreto Maxi, who was a provisionato and who was by the aforesaid reform reduced to a simple stratioto. He similarly deserves to be restored to his rank of provisionato. The rest of his company, capable stratioti, should not be separated from him, in spite of the fact that some of them are enrolled under the men mentioned earlier, and the rest are put under the other capi, and if Your Magnificence will be pleased to entrust this matter to me, considering me capable, I will offer to arrange them according to the merits of each, in such a way that they will remain content and satisfied.
In other letters of mine I have written to Your Signoria and complained about about these men because of their behaviour, but now, indeed, that because of the request and forethought of the flamburar, they are reconciled, taking account of the condition of the times, I have been dissuaded and I respectfully remind Your Excellency of what seems right, in my opinion, and you will most wisely dispose and command as you please. I request that Your Highness be pleased to reply to me as soon as possible, because it is important to you.
Furthermore, I have written in other duplicated letters to Your Sublimity about the matter of the zamori and tax of the somazo from which these stratioti demand to be absolved, and I expressed my opinion, but so far I have not had your response. So I beg Your Signoria to deign to reply to me, and reply so that the stratioti will not be in conflict with the citizens, and knowing that they will have the command of Your Signoria, will remain quiet.
I commend the bearer of the present, Martin Lopessi of the company of the Kladioti, messenger elected by them, to Your Excellency, requesting you to attend to him with all due speed.
LXXVI
18 March 1482 [f 53v; Sathas VI, 192]
Most Serene Prince:
about the arrival of the Emin. My last letter was on the 15th of last month, in which I wrote to Your Excellency of what had happened up to that date. In this I inform you that I have learned from a letter from the Magnificent Miser Antonio Vitturi, Ambassador from Your Signoria to the Turkish Sultan, that an emini had to be sent to expedite this so that there boundaries for this place, and especially for Methonē, will not be lacking. The emini comes here in a few days. I learned earlier of his arrival at Corinth, and at his request, made by letter, I sent Ser Zorzi de Londa, a citizen of this place, to express pleasure at his arrival, and present himself to him, also to learn his intention about the matter of the boundaries, etc. Ser Zorzi has returned [f 54] and reported to me that he had a warm and kind response from the emini, and that he wanted to meet me in this countryside. Also, the schiavo, his companion, came here, to whom I gave the best welcome, and he has presented himself with gentle and kind words to be interested and favourable to our affairs. He was well contented and satisfied when he left me, and instructions have been given to join the aforesaid emini on after he comes to Argos.
On the 15th of this month, I rode with about 200 stratioti and about 50 fanti on foot, and went toward Argos. Not having found the emini, because that morning he had ridden and gone toward Mouchli, I went after him, and arrived at Kiveri with about 30 horse, and when we had made the appropriate salutations to each other, he said he had been sent by his Lord to make a register of the whole of the Morea, and to learn and decide the issues concerning the boundaries of this place of Nauplion and that of Methone, and that I should let him know what I thought about the issues of the boundaries. I told him that the issue of the boundaries of this place had been cleared up by Sinan-Beyi, protogero of Greece, the emini sent by the late Sultan of splendid memory, and that he had made the division of the boundaries, which was confirmed by the late Sultan, and approved by the new Sultan. But because of the evil and iniquitous will of Suliman-beyi, the former flamburar eunucho, who bore great hate towards this terra, we had not completed the boundaries of this countryside, and he had also created a dispute concerning certain places called Iria and Candia, which are included in the territory of this terra, located between Nauplion, Castri and Thermissi, which we have always possessed and possess up to the present time.
For this reason the Magnificent Ambassador of Our Signoria made a complaint to the Sultan, who commanded and commissioned the emini to make restitution of that which was missing to us from the boundaries of the countryside, and to declare that the aforesaid places of Iria and Candia remained ours, as we held and possessed, and for the future, we would have no hindrance in this terra from the flamburar and other officials and subjects of the Sultan.
The emini responded that this was a small area of disagreement, and that he was disposed to consent to the demand and give us what was due to us, and more than was due, and to make sure that we remained content and satisfied, because he had an order and command to this effect from his Sultan, and made other offers, and used kind words.
However, because the flamburar of the Morea and the rulers of this province, especially the emini, have full liberty to settle this matter, nevertheless, to clarify the matter even more for us, and so that the flamburar does not have occasion to create any doubts because he was not present, he wished to establish this definition in his presence, and he said that he was going to find him, and he thought he would find him in three days, and perhaps go first with him to Methone to clear up the dispute about the boundaries there, where it seemed to be of greater importance, then he would return here to settle this matter quickly, and dismiss the schiavo, then he would set to work on the register and description of the Morea. Seeing that he did not intend to expedite this matter in the absence of the flamburar, and since I thought that that was reasonable, I decided not to make any resistance, and with that, he bade me farewell and departed.
So I wished to give specific information to Your Excellency. Also, I sent a messenger to Methone to inform the Magnificent rettori, so that when the emini goes there, they will be calm, and know what they have to do, encouraging them to make their case vigorously, because I think that his emini is a kindly man and well disposed to do his duty, so that his affairs and ours will succeed well and with the best outcome.
LXXVIII
24 April 1482 [f 55v; Sathas VI, 195]
Most Serene Prince:
I have written to Your Excellency in other letters about the coming of the emini sent by the Turkish Sultan to decide the difficulty with the boundaries of Methonē and this place. I have conferred with him, and since the flamburar of the Morea was not in the area, he decided to go to find him first, then he went to Methone and settled matters there. He will return here next, and he has encamped near Argos, and as soon as he arrived, he wrote that I should come to meet him, to settle matters concerning this place.
I sent a citizen from here to meet him, to congratulate him on his arrival, and to take the opportunity to develop some good will with him, so that he would be favourable to our business, allowing him to express great friendship towards him as was done at Methonē, as I have been informed by letters from that Magnificent Regime, which by means of this kind found out what his policy was.
On the 12th I rode over with about 200 stratioti horse and 100 foot, between the soldati and men from the terra, and went to Argos where I met the emini. He came to meet me with about 100 horse, accompanied by the voivode of Corinth and some of the leading subassi of the Morea. We went over the area where there was disagreement about the boundaries of the land belonging to this place, where we stayed in discussion and long dispute. I asked him to make up for and assign the part missing from the countryside and our other territory, in addition to the assignment made at another time, during the reign of the late Sultan of blessed memory, by Sinan-Beyi the protogero of Greece, an emini sent for that purpose, who at the instigation of the Pasha Eunuch, the flamburar of the province at that time, because of his iniquity and because of the hatred that he bore for this terra, had not completely assigned our part of the countryside to us according [f 56] to our true and ancient boundaries. Likewise I asked him to decide and determine that the area of Iria and Candia, located between Nauplion and Castri and Thermissi, under the jurisdiction and territory of Nauplion, should remain ours freely, since we have been and are in possession of it from ancient times up to the present, and the aforesaid Pasha had questions put to him about these places, and I offered to prove by authentic documents and trustworthy witnesses, men of long standing there, what our true borders were, and how these places had belonged to Our Signoria from ancient times, under the territory and jurisdiction of Nauplion, etc.
He replied to me that our boundaries had been defined and assigned to us by the previous emini, and this assignment had been accepted by me, and that we had what was due to us, and therefore it was not necessary to make another assignment. I told him that we had accepted that assignment with reservation of our rights, and that because we had been wronged and to some extent forced, for this reason a protest had been made by the Magnificent Ambassador of Your Signoria to the Most Illustrious new Sultan, who sent the emini to replace and assign what ought to be ours and what is missing from our territory, as I offered to prove with authentic documents and trustworthy witnesses, our true and ancient boundaries. There were many disputes and contests about this, our adversaries and opponents being the gisdar and the cadi of Argos, our neighbours, whom I rigorously refuted saying that they were only telling only their side of the story and against the truth, demanding my rights from the emini, according to the orders and command that he had from the Porte of the Sultan, and that he should look at and understand our documents, and hear and examine our witnesses. He refused, but after much argument he consented to hear witnesses. We produced 7 trustworthy men, chosen from the oldest of Nauplion, who were minutely examined by him about the boundaries and territory of Nauplion. He wanted them as eye-witnesses to point out and distinguish the boundaries to him. And so they were sent together with some of his subassi and the clerk of the flamburar, [f 56v] and from our side our cancellier and four citizens.
the boundaries of Nauplion. They began at the White Tower on the shore, where the boundary of Nauplion begins, and came to a tower called after the captain who was rettor of Argos, and crossing the countryside northwards as far as a hill called Basso Gremino, and from there going towards the east and going along the tops of the hills, they finally arrived at Cape Schillo on the shore, including in this the castelli of Castri and Thermissi with their pertinencies and the places of Iria and Candia. A written record was made by two hands, one by his scrivano, the other by our cancellier, describing in detail from place to place the landmarks, the farms, the hills and the valleys, there being present for this description the gisdar of Argos and other subassi on their side, and four citizens of Nauplion with our cancellier on our side. After this document had been drawn up and seen and examined by the emini, there was much argument concerning it, and the emini agreed that he would determine and define that we should have the boundaries and places according to that description. And he had this formally written down, accoriding to his decision and judicial determination, and he signed, and the cadi of Argos, naming the subassi who were present for these matters, and particularly the voivode of Corinth in place of the flamburar of the Morea.
When the document was made out and witnessed, before he gave it into my hands he wanted me to promise in writing and by swearing an oath that I would evict all the households and subjects of his Sultan from his haraç, who have fled since the peace until now and have come to Nauplion and its district, and that for the rest no others of his haraç should be accepted here at Nauplion and the whole of its district. I did this, pursuant to the agreements and chapters of the peace made between Your Signoria and his Sultan and as I have it in your instructions. He was also most insistent that I agree in writing and give permission to the Turks that where they found their men of the haraç on our territory, they could remove them by force. I was unwilling to agree to this point, so as not to create problems between us in respect of these Albanians who, to defend and justify their nation [f 57] would create a resistance, and then disturbances and losses of life might arise between the Turks and us.
When the aforesaid promise had been made in writing with an oath, which he was unwilling to refuse, so that he would not not upset our arrangements concerning the boundaries, he gave me the document. But before it was given into my hands, the schiavo of the Sultan who came with the emini kept it so that he could have his "stirrup cup" to loosen him up since such things cannot be avoided, and he would not be satisfied with less than 30 ducats and 6 braccie of scarlet cloth for a robe, which I gave him, to have his support; and similarly, I expressly gave the emini 40 ducats and 6 braccie of scarlet; to the voivode of Corinth 10 ducats, to the scrivano who wrote the document and the description of the boundaries, who, to tell the truth, was most favourable to us, 10 ducats, to the servants of the said emini for their present 5 ducats and to the turciman, 2 ducats, which makes a total of 97 ducats, not counting the cloth, sweetmeats and other expenses for food for this mounted escort and for the other one, and it was not possible to do less. I inform Your Signoria that as am informed by the Magnificent rettori of Methonē, they have spent for this purpose a sum of 300 ducats, by means of which they gained what they wanted. As for the payments made here, on this occasion and also in the past for the other emini who came with Ser Zuam Dario, I decided to share with the citizens, hoping with them that they have had particular benefit, as have those who have the castelli of Castri and Thermissi, the mills of Kiveri, the church of the Bishop, and the feudatories who have recovered the lands of their fiefs and are enjoying a revenue from them according to the amount of benefit each has had from them.
Most Excellent Prince, I inform Your Signoria that in this assignment of the boundaries, this place has had much more than it should, so that we have the advantage over the other assignment to it of 20,000 stremmata more of land besides the places of Iria and Candia, which are fertile areas and of much advantage to this terra, so that everyone universally, citizens and stratioti, declare that they are very contented and satisfied. I can tell Your Signoria that this place is supplied with such fine, large and most spacious territory, that it is sufficient for the use and nourishment of all the souls who are in this terra and its territory, who in my judgment are more than 25,000, counting both citizens and terrieri, as well as stratioti and other Albanians, so that they all [f 57v] can be very contented. This terra can consider itself one of the principal ones that Your Signoria has in the Levant, for its condition, especially because of the reputation of the stratioti, who can in any situation come out of the gates of Nauplion with 1000 horse, between the stratioti and other Albanians and Greeks, bringing the greatest reputation to Your Signoria.
about the stratioti. I assure you that these stratioti, even though they are unruly people and in a shockingly bad relationship with the Turks, as I have written in other letters to Your Signoria, nevertheless, with all due respect, it is necessary that Your Signoria hold them dear and provide for their livelihood, because in the 20 months since I revised the condotta, they have had only two pays, and recently, by the Magnificent General, they were given 1 ducat per stratioto for pay, and they are in extreme necessity, and every day they are on my back. They have sent three bollette from here, and I have also taken two others, which they are to send by two of their messengers. And so, let Your Sublimity deign to arrange to send money, so that they can be paid and maintained and kept in your obedience and service.
about grain. In addition, I request Your Excellency to deign to arrange to send grain here, because the storehouse has lacked grain for 8 months, and since I do not have the means to pay the stratioti to whom Your Signoria promised 3 pays of grain, and to the soldati 5 pays a year, I do not know how they can be kept here, without the bread that is their staple food. So again and again I request Your Highness to be pleased to arrange to send grain here, as quickly as possible, so that some disaster does not happen.
XC
1 February 1482 [f 65v; Sathas VI, 208]
Most Serene Prince:
Being always alert for the good and profit of Your Signoria’s state, as is my responsibility, and learning that the flamburar of this province, with whom I have developed a warm friendship for the good and convenience of this place committed to me, was coming to this area to demolish the fortress of Argos on the command of his Sultan, I sent a messenger to him who was Ser Nicolò Kakoyanni, capo of the stratioti here, an intelligent and experienced man Greek, with instructions that he should congratulate him on his arrival on my behalf, and with suitable words obtain an agreement from him, if he could do so with honour, that Your Signoria might have this castello of Argos which would benefit his Sultan and the flamburar and be to the advantage of the countryside, because if it is demolished, it will become a haunt of thieves and assassins from one place and another, and will be the cause of damage and scandals, with disruption of the peace, etc.
This Kakoyanni went and found the flamburar at Muchli, and related to him what I had instructed him to. The flamburar told him that he could do nothing in the matter of Argos, because he was commanded to demolish it, and it was necessary to obey the command of his Sultan. There was no way in which he could further delay carrying out the command any longer, because the gisdar, or castellan, of Argos with the janissaries had made many attempts and sent messages to the Porte, and the Sultan did not want to change his purpose, in fact he had repeated his command to the flamburar that he should demolish everything. After he made this reply and explanation to Kakojanni about this matter, when the latter wanted to take his leave and depart from him, the flamburar called him to one side discretely, being alone in his tent with a young relative of his, and told [f 66] Kakojanni that he wanted to tell him a great secret, if he would swear to keep this secret and not reveal it to anyone in the world, except he must report it to me alone, with a sacred oath not to tell it to anyone. He swore an oath, and then the flamburar asked him if he knew where the brother of The Turkish Sultan was. He said that he did not know.
The flamburar said, ‘Where is the power and wisdom of Your Signoria? Report on my behalf to Misser the Provveditor, my brother, that he should give reliable advice to His Signoria as soon as possible, that they have had no better time and chance for 200 years to enlarge their dominions than they have at present. This rapacious Sultan of ours, who is so inconstant in controlling himself, has recently had Ahmed Pasha, an important man and of considerable power and reputation, put to death. He also sent for Ali-Beyi, Omar-Beyi and me, who are the leading flamburars and have under our administration the principal provinces of his kingdom, and perhaps he has decided to put us to death. We have sworn an oath among ourselves and have decided together what we have to do, and if Your Signoria has a way of getting the Sultan’s brother and sending him secretly to Lepanto, or some other place that seems suitable to them in this part of the world, I offer and promise to ensure that it will have Negroponte, Scutari and all Albania, and a great part of the Morea, and other places, whatever it wishes to ask for. So let Miser the Provveditor, my brother, hasten as swiftly as possible to secretly inform his Signoria about this, and let me know their response as soon as possible, so that we can take action in this matter with the other aforesaid flamburars, with whom we have an oath together, and are of one mind and will. And n case I have to leave this country of the Morea in the meantime and go elsewhere, arrange to let me know by a secure way wherever you find me.’
And since the flamburar appeared not to be satisfied that Kakojanni would report such words to me, he sent me his aforesaid relative, named Omar Celebi, a man of outstanding reputation whom he trusted more than his own sons. In public, he conveyed to me the appropriate greetings on behalf of the flamburar with general words. Then he said that he wanted to speak to me in private, and when everyone else had left, and I remained alone with my cancellier, he first made me swear, on the orders of the flamburar, that I would keep secret what he would tell me. Then he made his report and told the story in the identical words, with more details [f 66v] and great consistency. I gave his relative the best and most honourable reception, and gave him a place to stay, and paid the expenses for him and his company, and with the most gentle and encouraging words I thought appropriate, I sent him away with general statements and assured him that I would give the exact information to Your Signoria as quickly as I could, and that when I had Your response, I would immediately notify the aforesaid flamburar, with whom during the time he has been here in the Morea, we have had the best relationship and good will, and he has always shown and is now showing himself to be a good friend of Your Signoria.
Two days later, the flamburar, who was staying at Argos, sent to tell me by word of mouth, by means of a citizen from here, that he had been informed that one of the flamburars sent by the Porte to replace him would arrive in the Morea any day, and that he had to leave Argos and go to Corinth, to attend to the arrangements for his departure.
On hearing this I immediately sent the aforesaid Kakojanni to express my regret at his sudden departure, and to find out if he wanted to say anything else about the previous conversation, and he should give whatever instructions seemed appropriate to him. Kakojanni went and found the flamburar on the road in the midst of the countryside going toward Argos, and repeated to him what I had told him to say, with general words in public. Then in private, by means of Omar Celebi, his aforesaid relative, he told Kakojanni that with reference to the previous conversation, he remained firm in his proposal, and again confirmed everything that had been said, urging me that if I had not sent my letter to inform Your Signoria I should send it as soon as possible, and as to the reply that I will have from you, I should send information by a trusted messenger to Omar Celebi, who remains here in the Morea as subassi of several casali, and he would know how to inform the flamburar privately, according to the instructions he has from him.
With this he dismissed Kakojani, lamenting his hurried departure with tears in his eyes. The next day after giving instructions to the timarati of the Morea about the guarding of the country, the flamburar departed and left the Morea.
His successor has not yet arrived, but is expected any day. Argos, according to what the flamburar said, has to be demolished anyway, but because of his reluctant departure, he has not been able to do it.
I thought that I should give specific information about these propositions to Your Excellency, who will most wisely dispose as you please, requesting that you be pleased to keep this matter secret, so that the flamburar and the others are not put in danger of their lives. The aforesaid message comes from the flamburar himself by the means described above.
Sent by the ship Bona.
XCI
25 March 1483 [f 67; Sathas VI, 210]
Most Serene Prince:
On the first day of last month, I wrote to Your Excellency about the departure of Ahmed-Beyi, former Flamburar of the Morea, and what I had discussed with him. In this I inform Your Excellency that on the first of this month the new Flamburar, named Suleiman-Beyi, arrived at Corinth. He immediately sent his voivode here to visit me, with a warm and kindly letter to me expressing his pleasure at his arrival, and that he wanted to come to Argos to confer with me, because he had a commission from his Sultan. As a sign of his genuineness, he sent me two pieces of zambeloto grosso of little value. I accepted it appropriately from his voivode, and gave him 5 braccie of white cloth. He returned to Corinth to the Flamburar, with my letter in reply to his, with the gentlest words, and gifts, etc. On the 6th, the Flamburar came to Argos, and since I was in bed with a headache, I immediately sent Ser Olivoto de Cavopena, a citizen here, to the Flamburar to welcome him on my behalf, and apologize because on account of being unwell, I could not go immediately to visit him. The following day I forced myself to get up, and as a sign of good will, sent him a gift of a silver confection weighing two and a half marks as has been the custom in the past for the other flamburars.
The following day, the Flamburar rode toward Nauplion to meet with me, according to his orders, and I rode with the citizens and stratioti on horse, and soldati and men from the terra on foot, and went to Castellazo, about two miles away from the terra, where I found the Flamburar with about 300 horse, well turned out. The men were made to stand separately on one side and another, and we spoke together. When the appropriate greetings and gifts had been made on both sides, the Flamburar said that he had been commanded by his Sultan to confer with me, and report to me that he has a good peace with Your Signoria, which he did not make for a limited time, if not for his whole life, and he intended to maintain and observe it, and that as a sign of affection, he had remitted for the present the annual payment owed his father. In addition, so that the territories and subjects of Your Signoria in the Morea can live in peace and quiet, he had destroyed the castelli in the territories neighbouring ours, so as not to give any impediment to the subjects of Your Signoria: that is, Larcadia, near Methone; Kalamata, near Korone; Castel Rampan, near Monemvasia. Similarly, he had decided that Argos, which borders on Nauplion, should also be demolished, and he ordered the Flamburar on his departure that if it had not been demolished, he was to destroy it.
But after the Sultan learned about the harm done by the Albanians to his subjects he sent another order after the Flamburar that he should not demolish Argos, but that he should come here and examine the facts of the damage and give him advice. He wanted to learn from me the cause of the damage and attacks made by the Albanians, etc. I replied with calm and kindly words, and explained the reasons for these attacks, apologizing for our part, with as many reasons and explanations as I could, assuring him that this had happened contrary to the mind and intent of Your Signoria and of us your rettori; and that I had done everything I could to prevent such attacks being committed by the band of Albanians who fled here as rebels against your law; and because the Albanians are of Albanian birth I cannot lay hands on them with my force of stratioti who are of the same origin and are related. But the Flamburar, as lord of the countryside, with his force of Turks, can take them and punish them, especially because they have brought the malefactors back to their catune and they have help and victuals from them, etc. About that there was much dispute and contention, and finally we concluded with a common agreement, having reduced our differences to the items below:
* First: because these Albanians are unknown and go about the Morea doing all kinds of evil, and the good cannot be told from the villains, we have decided that all Albanians and Greeks of any condition, subjects of Your Signoria, who need to go through the Morea for trade and other purposes must carry my open letter with the seal of S. Marco and to give a peace, recorded in the cancelleria, not to commit any wrong in the country of the Lord Turk.
* Aliter, if they are found in the country of the Lord Turk without such a letter from the people of the Flamburar, they will be pronounced villains and punished. I have had this proclaimed for the full intelligence of all.
* Second: all those families subject to the haraç of the Sultan who, since the time of the peace have fled from his lands and come here to Nauplion and its territory, are to be identified and thrown out, so that they can return to stay and live in their own places and finding them in this city and its district, they may be restored and taken by their Turks, with the permission of this Regimen.
* Again: the families of the bandits are to be banned from the territory of Nauplion, so than they do not return to this city and its district, or they are to be put on board ships and sent to some island.
This was made and signed by us as equals. The aforesaid Flamburar was content and satisfied, with many offers and promises of wanting to live as neighbors in peace and charity with this place. And I did the same toward him.
About the band of malefactors, he said he wanted to act with all his force to be able to take them, and I agreed on my part, I would do the same in this territory, so that these malefactors are disrupted and evicted, and the country can live in quiet.
The Flamburar is a modest and distinguished man, so that I am hopeful, making this arrangement, to reduce by half this band of assassins and violators of the roads in this land. I will have a good relationship and companionship with him, and because of the friendliness and good will I have developed with him, for however long I am here, we will live in peace and affection.
Finally he told me privately and then again sent to me to give his word, that as much as he spoke in public with me and as rigidly as he made demonstration on behalf of the timarati of the Morea who were in his company, since the other time he was Flamburar of the Morea during the war, he had informed the Porte that in order to have the value from this terra, he had not laid waste to the grain, and he had been imprisoned by the late Sultan for many months. Then this new Sultan, during his father's life, had demanded and freed him by grace, and made him minister at his court. At present he stood in great favor and said he wanted to be my dear brother, and after he had visited the other places in the Morea, would return here with a few people, without the evil spies from the Morea, and give himself the pleasure of talking to me about other important matters.
After the Flamburar left me, he returned to his lodging under Argos where he stayed the following day. I sent him a refreshment of wine, at his request, by Dominico Gardassi, capo of stratioti, who knows Turkish well and was translator at our previously mentioned discussion. He took him aside and told him that he ought to report to me in secret as his Signor, when he sent to come to this Flamburar of the Morea.
Ultimatim, he told him that he ought to report to me that the Sultan, for the goodwill he bears for the Flamburar, has made him Flamburar for as long as he wants, since the Sultan needs him to ride in several places with his cavalry; he would call and have him with him, and that when the Flamburar left here, the Sultan did not want to send another emini as governor in the country of the Morea, only he would have the gisdars or castellans of his fortresses govern the fortresses committed to them, and this part of Corinth with its pertinencies, I should govern, because he had had information of my character, and similarly, the other areas of Methonē and Koronē Your Signoria should have to govern. This is because the Sultan trusts Your Signoria so much because of the very good and sincere peace he as with you, and with us Your provveditori.
Preterea, the Flamburar said he had decided to make all provision against the band of these Albanians, assassins and violators of the roads, and not being able to otherwise have them in hand, to give them safe conduct and with that clear them out or send them away and evict them from this country of the Morea. He said he did not want to do this without my thought and consent, because they are subjects of Your Signoria and he would use every cruelty against them, so he could get rid of these evil spies from the country, so his subjects and ours can live in peace, and that anything he is going to do, he wants always to confer with me, and when he has given expedition to collect the haraç of the Morea, he would come back here with a few loyal companions and confer with me at greater extent on several more matters for our Signori.
In addition , he said he had learned that Your Signoria has decided to send to raise stratioti in these parts, and is comforted that these Albanian thieves, both ours and his, have a way to embark them and send them away from this country, truly, to send them to Cyprus or to Candia or to Friuli, or to some island, so that they never have [f 69]
to return to this country, so that lacking these evil thorns, the country can live in peace and tranquillity. At these words I made the appropriate response, orally by the present messenger, because the Flamburar had said that it was not secure to handle matters by way of letter. This is what happened with the Flamburar: I wanted to give specific information to Your Sublimity.
De novo, by way of Athens from Turks recently come from the Porte, we learn that the Lord Turk is at Adrianople, where he called up the people, making it known to them to go against Hungary.
Insuper, they say that the Pasha Eunuch, who was take
n at Naples in the hand of King Ferrando has been freed with 25 other Turks of status, and have left and gone to Adrianople with an ambassador of the king to make peace, that it must have been concluded, and other things.
Copyright 2002 by Diana Gilliland Wright and John Melville-Jones